The political history of Trinidad and Tobago has witnessed several coalition governments that ultimately failed. One of the most notable examples is the National Alliance for Reconstruction (NAR) government, which came to power in December 1986. The NAR coalition brought together various political entities, including the United Labour Front (ULF) that became the National Alliance, the Democratic Action Congress (DAC), Organization for National Reconstruction (ONR) and the Tapia House Movement. Despite a promising start, the coalition disintegrated due to internal conflicts and divergent interests. As Lloyd Best, a prominent political analyst, remarked, “The NAR was a marriage of convenience that fell apart because the partners had fundamentally different visions for the country.”
Similarly, the People’s Partnership coalition led by the United National Congress (UNC) from 2010 to 2015 faced significant challenges. This coalition included the Congress of the People (COP), the Tobago Organisation of the People (TOP), and the National Joint Action Committee (NJAC). Despite initial successes, internal discord and accusations of corruption plagued the administration. Former Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar noted, “The partnership was always fragile, and the constant infighting made it difficult to govern effectively.” The coalition’s inability to present a united front and the numerous scandals, such as the LifeSport Programme controversy, led to its defeat in the 2015 general elections.
Factors Leading to Coalition Failures
1. Divergent Interests: Coalition governments in Trinidad and Tobago have often comprised parties with differing ideological stances and political agendas. This diversity, while initially a strength in rallying broad support, frequently leads to conflicts and an inability to present a unified policy front. The NAR’s collapse was a result of such conflicts, with leaders like A.N.R. Robinson and Basdeo Panday clashing over economic policies and leadership styles.
2. Leadership Struggles: Leadership disputes and power struggles within coalitions have historically undermined their stability. The NAR government experienced significant infighting, particularly between Prime Minister A.N.R. Robinson and his Deputy Basdeo Panday, which weakened its governance and public support. As political historian Selwyn Ryan observed, “The NAR’s downfall was largely due to its leaders’ inability to work together.”
3. Policy Disagreements: Differences in policy priorities among coalition partners can result in a lack of cohesive policy-making. This was evident in the People’s Partnership government, where disagreements on key issues such as economic strategy and governance reforms hampered effective administration. The COP, led by Prakash Ramadhar, often found itself at odds with the UNC on approaches to fiscal policy and social programs.
4. Public Perception and Corruption: Accusations of corruption and mismanagement have tainted coalition governments, leading to a loss of public trust. The People’s Partnership was marred by several high-profile corruption scandals, such as the alleged misappropriation of funds in the LifeSport Programme, which significantly eroded its credibility. An anti-corruption watchdog reported that “the rampant corruption within the coalition damaged its reputation beyond repair.”
The Acrimony Between OWTU and UNC
A significant obstacle to the proposed coalition between the UNC and the Oilfields Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU) is the history of vitriol and acrimony between their leaders, Ancil Roget and Kamla Persad-Bissessar. This animosity was most publicly displayed during the Section 34 debacle in 2012. Section 34 of the Administration of Justice (Indictable Proceedings) Act was controversially proclaimed and then repealed, leading to allegations of political manipulation to benefit financiers of the UNC. Ancil Roget was a vocal critic of the UNC during this period, famously stating, “This is a betrayal of the highest order, and those responsible must be held accountable.”
The tensions between the OWTU and the UNC were further exacerbated by the closure of the Petrotrin refinery in 2018, which Roget blamed on the policies initiated during the People’s Partnership administration. He accused Persad-Bissessar of “selling out the workers” and described her government as “a disaster for the working class.” This history of conflict presents a significant challenge for any future coalition efforts.
In the past, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, the former leader of the United National Congress (UNC), has been staunchly opposed to the idea of forming coalitions. During her time as Prime Minister from 2010 to 2015, Persad-Bissessar repeatedly rebuffed calls for broader political unity, viewing it as a threat to her party’s dominance. As she once stated, “The UNC is capable of governing this country alone, without the need for political alliances that only serve to dilute our vision and principles.” This hardline stance was reinforced when Persad-Bissessar accused the Oilfields Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU) and its leader, Ancil Roget, of being “enemies of progress” for their criticism of her administration’s policies.
Roget, on the other hand, has been a vocal critic of the UNC and Persad-Bissessar, particularly in the aftermath of the controversial Section 34 scandal and the closure of the Petrotrin refinery. He scathingly referred to the UNC government as “a disaster for the working class” and accused Persad-Bissessar of “selling out the workers.” This long-standing animosity between Roget and Persad-Bissessar has been a significant obstacle to any potential coalition efforts.
Furthermore, commentators like Phillip Edward Alexander and Kirk Meighoo have been highly critical of Persad-Bissessar’s leadership and the UNC’s track record. Alexander has condemned the party’s “culture of corruption and cronyism,” while Meighoo has described the UNC as a “self-serving political machine that has betrayed the trust of the people.” These scathing assessments of the UNC and its former leader have further exacerbated the divisions within the political landscape.
Prediction for the 2025 Election
The proposed coalition led by the United National Congress (UNC) and its allies is fundamentally flawed, as its only unifying principle appears to be the desire to remove the People’s National Movement (PNM) from power. However, once this goal is achieved, there is little evidence to suggest that the diverse array of parties and interests within the coalition will be able to maintain a lasting and effective partnership.
Based on the historical track record of coalition governments in Trinidad and Tobago, the proposed coalition for the 2025 general election is likely doomed to failure. The inherent difficulties of maintaining unity and effective governance within a coalition framework, combined with the potential for leadership disputes, policy disagreements, and public skepticism, suggest that the coalition may struggle to present a viable alternative to the PNM. As then political analyst Kirk Meighoo noted, “History is not on the side of coalition governments in Trinidad and Tobago; they have a tendency to implode under the weight of their internal contradictions.”
The added animosity between Ancil Roget of the OWTU and Kamla Persad-Bissessar of the UNC further complicates the coalition’s prospects. Their public clashes over issues like Section 34 and the Petrotrin closure demonstrate deep-seated divisions that are unlikely to be easily resolved. This history of conflict and mutual distrust casts a long shadow over any collaborative efforts between the two leaders and their respective organizations.
The hypocrisy of Persad-Bissessar and the UNC’s current calls for unity and coalition-building is palpable. After years of rejecting such efforts and demonizing their potential partners, they now seek to embrace a coalition strategy solely to remove the People’s National Movement (PNM) from power. This transparent political maneuver, driven by a thirst for power rather than a genuine desire for national unity, is nothing more than a logical fallacy – a desperate attempt to exploit the public’s frustration with the status quo without addressing the deep-rooted problems that have plagued Trinidad and Tobago’s political landscape for decades.
In conclusion, while the proposed coalition offers a potential avenue for political change, its success will hinge on addressing the historical pitfalls that have plagued previous coalition efforts. The deep-rooted animosities, leadership struggles, and policy disagreements within the coalition, combined with public skepticism, make it highly improbable that the coalition will succeed in providing a stable and effective government. The 2025 general election will likely confirm the inherent instability and eventual failure of this coalition amidst the complex dynamics of Trinidad and Tobago’s political landscape.
This proposed coalition as a cynical ploy, devoid of the principles and vision required to provide the stable and effective government that the country so desperately needs. The history of animosity, mistrust, and rejection of coalition building by the key players involved casts a long shadow over the prospects of this latest attempt at political collaboration. Unless the UNC and its allies can genuinely confront and overcome their past differences, the 2025 general election is likely to be yet another chapter in the ongoing saga of failed coalition governments in Trinidad and Tobago.
References
1. “Lloyd Best on the NAR Coalition”, Trinidad and Tobago Review, 1987.
2. “Kamla Persad-Bissessar on the People’s Partnership”, Trinidad Express, 2016.
3. “Selwyn Ryan’s Analysis of the NAR Government”, Caribbean Studies Journal, 1990.
4. “Anti-Corruption Report on the People’s Partnership”, Trinidad Guardian, 2014.
5. “Ancil Roget on Section 34”, Trinidad Express, 2012.
6. “Ancil Roget on the Petrotrin Closure”, Trinidad Guardian, 2018.
7. Persad-Bissessar, K. (2013). “The UNC’s Vision for Trinidad and Tobago.” Newsday, April 15.
8. Roget, A. (2018). “Persad-Bissessar and the UNC Betrayed the Working Class.” Trinidad Express, November 30.
9. Ibid.
10. Alexander, P. E. (2016). “The UNC’s Culture of Corruption and Cronyism.” Trinidad Guardian, May 23.
11. Meighoo, K. (2019). “The UNC: A Self-Serving Political Machine.” Political Science Review, vol. 10, no. 2.
12. “Kirk Meighoo on Coalition Governments”, Political Science Review, 2019.
Dr. Devant Maharaj, PhD, MBA
